Monthly Archives: October 2018

Hayes and Schuh to appear: Metrical structure and sung rhythm of the Hausa Rajaz

Direct link:http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1768_hayes_1.pdf

ROA: 1348
Title: Metrical structure and sung rhythm of the Hausa Rajaz
Authors: Bruce Hayes, Russell Schuh
Comment: To appear in Phonological Analysis
Length: 61 pp
Abstract: The rajaz meter of Hausa is based on syllable quantity. In its dimeter form, it deploys lines consisting of two metra, each usually containing six moras. A variety of metra occur, and the key analytic challenge is to single out the legal metra from the set of logically possible ones. We propose an analysis, framed in Maximum Entropy Optimality Theory, that does this, and also accounts for the statistical distribution of metron types, varying from poem to poem, within the line and stanza. We demonstrate a law of comparative frequency for rajaz and show how it emerges naturally in the maxent framework when competing candidates are in a relationship of harmonic bounding.

Turning to how the verse is sung, we observe that rajaz verse rhythm is typically remapped onto a distinct sung rhythm. We consider grammatical architectures that can characterize this remapping. Lastly, we develop a maxent phonetic grammar to predict the durations of the sung syllables. Our constraints simultaneously invoke all levels of structure: the syllables and moras of the phonology, the grids used for poetic scansion, and the grids used for sung rhythm.

Type: Paper/tech report
Area/Keywords: Hausa, metrics, maxent, phonetics, harmonic bounding, syllable weight

Magri and Storme: to appear. Calibration of constraint promotion does not help with learning variation in stochastic OT.

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1769_giorgio_magri_1.pdf

ROA: 1349
Title: Calibration of constraint promotion does not help with learning variation in stochastic OT
Authors: Giorgio Magri, Benjamin Storme
Comment: to appear in Linguistic Inquiry
Length: 24 pages + 11 pages of supplementary material
Abstract: The Calibrated error-driven ranking algorithm (CEDRA; Magri 2012) is shown to fail on two test cases of phonologically conditioned variation from Boersma and Hayes (2001). The failure of CEDRA raises a serious unsolved challenge for learnability research in stochastic OT, because CEDRA itself was proposed to repair a learnability problem (Pater 2008) encountered by the original GLA. This result is supported by both simulation results and a detailed analysis whereby a few constraints and a few candidates at the time are recursively ‘peeled off’ until we are left with a ‘core’ small enough that the behavior of the learner is easy to interpret.
Type: Paper/tech report
Area/Keywords: Stochastic OT; learnability analysis

Pater 2019: Generative linguistics and neural networks at 60 + commentaries

From Joe Pater – also published with comments open at:

https://websites.umass.edu/cogsci/2018/10/12/discussion-generative-linguistics-and-neural-networks-at-60/

The commentaries on my paper “Generative Linguistics and Neural Networks at 60: Foundation, Friction and Fusion” are all now posted on-line at the authors’ websites at the links below. The linked version of my paper and – I presume – of the commentaries are the non-copyedited but otherwise final versions that will appear in the March 2019 volume of Language in the Perspectives section.

Please go to the above link if you wish to contribute further this discussion!

Iris Berent and Gary Marcus. No integration without structured representations: reply to Pater.

Ewan Dunbar. Generative grammar, neural networks, and the implementational mapping problem.

Tal Linzen. What can linguistics and deep learning contribute to each other?

Lisa Pearl. Fusion is great, and interpretable fusion could be exciting for theory generation.

Chris Potts. A case for deep learning in semantics

Jonathan Rawski and Jeff Heinz. No Free Lunch in Linguistics or Machine Learning.

 

Bale and Reiss 2018 Phonology: A formal introduction

Alan Bale & Charles Reiss—Phonology: A formal introduction

https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/phonology

This book is now available with a 30% discount from MIT Press:

Promo code is MPHONOLOGY30. This code is good starting now until 12/1/18, and takes 30% off the list price of the book (both print and MIT Press ebook formats). It can be used more than once and for multiple copies.

 Until our shopping cart launches, folks wishing to use the code should order directly from our distributor Triliteral by calling 1-800-405-1619 or by emailing orders@triliteral.org and mentioning the code.

You can download the electronic exercises from the MIT Press site.

 

Lionnet (2018) – The colon as a separate prosodic category: Tonal evidence from Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia)

The colon as a separate prosodic category: Tonal evidence from Paicî (Oceanic, New Caledonia)
Florian Lionnet
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004265
October 2018
Most recent work in metrical theory rejects the colon (?) —a constituent intermediate between the foot and the prosodic word and made of two feet: ?????(??)Ft(??)Ft ?{(??)Ft(??)Ft}?— as a separate category in the Prosodic Hierarchy (PH: ????Ft???PrWd), arguing that it is unnecessary and too costly (e.g. Ellenbaas and Kager 1999; Hyde 2002; Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015, 2016, a.o.). I analyze an unusual downstep pattern in Paicî (Oceanic) and show that the most satisfying account of this pattern involves reference to the colon. Paicî is a two-tone language (H vs. L), where L-toned words of 4+ morae undergo register lowering after the second mora (/????????/ ? [????!????]). This downstep does not occur with shorter words. I show that the two initial morae of 4?+ words are parsed into a bimoraic foot. Crucially, no foot is parsed in 2? or 3? words. I argue that foot-parsing can only occur if it creates feet that are licensed by a colon (hence the need for at least 4?), making the Paicî downstep pattern the first piece of tonal evidence in favor of the colon.

Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004265
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: To appear in WCCFL 36 Proceedings
keywords: metrical phonology, prosodic hierarchy, foot, colon, downstep, tone, phonology

Stanton (2018) – Gurindji nasal cluster dissimilation as trigger deletion

Gurindji nasal cluster dissimilation as trigger deletion
Juliet Stanton
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004263
October 2018
Processes of unbounded spreading are often claimed to be myopic (e.g. Wilson 2003; McCarthy 2009): the ability of some feature [F] to spread from some segment z to some segment y does not depend on its ability to spread from y to x. Recent work (e.g. Walker 2010, 2014; Jardine 2016) has however cast doubt on the universality of this claim. This paper contributes to the discussion on (non-)myopia on by suggesting that a kind of non-myopic process, trigger deletion, is attested in Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan, McConvell 1988): when the spreading domain contains a certain kind of blocking segment, the spreading trigger deletes. In order to capture this pattern, as well as the extant typology of non-myopic processes, I argue that any successful analysis of unbounded spreading must allow surface candidates to be globally evaluated.

Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004263
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: to appear in Journal of Linguistics
keywords: dissimilation, harmony, non-myopia, nasal-stop clusters, phonology

Hosono (2018) – Verb Movement in Narrow Syntax

Verb Movement in Narrow Syntax
Mayumi Hosono
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004262
October 2018
I argue that verb movement should be derived in narrow syntax. The derivational system of Labeling Algorithm proposed by Chomsky (2013, 2015) allows movement to occur in narrow syntax without recourse to any movement-triggering features, contra Chomsky (2001, 2004, 2008). In this system, (both external and internal) Merge is free, even if a new semantic effect does not occur on a raised category in its raised position, contra Chomsky (2001). Thus, verb movement, which does not change a semantic interpretation in the unmarked case, should be able to occur in narrow syntax without recourse to any driving features. As we see in the Icelandic data, it is actually difficult to claim that verb movement occurs in phonology, contra Chomsky (2001). I propose a way to carry out verb movement in narrow syntax in terms of feature inheritance and copy deletion. In the Romance languages as well as languages such as English, both ?-features and tense are inherited by T, to which R(=V)+v* moves, whereas in the V2 languages, only ?-features are inherited by T with tense remaining in C, to which R+v* directly moves. In all of those languages, it is a matter of morphophonology which copy of a verbal head, the one in a higher position or the one in the v* head position, is chosen to be pronounced. I also claim that do is inserted in English to phonetically embody features such as [Q], [Foc(us)] and [Pol(arity)]. The feature that the inserted do embodies is adjacent to tense and ?-features in each of the relevant constructions, which accounts for why the inserted do carries tense and agreement as pointed out by the traditional literature.

Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004262
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: To appear in Studia Linguistica
keywords: verb movement, labeling algorithm, feature inheritance, copy deletion, do-support, morphology, syntax, phonology

Hosono (2018) – Constraints on Movement

Constraints on Movement
Mayumi Hosono
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004261
June 2018
I argue, contra Chomsky (2013, 2015), that internal merge may not be free. It is shown that the Criterial Position (Rizzi 2006, 2010, 2015) is the position in which a raised category completes the valuation of all of its own unvalued features. The Halting Problem, the Extended Projection Principle, and the Empty Category Principle (as well as the disappearance of that effect) are all fully accounted for in terms of feature valuation. This unified account derives from the corollary of the derivational system of Labeling Algorithm (Chomsky 2013, 2015), in which labeling results from feature valuation. In Scandinavian Object Shift and Icelandic Stylistic Fronting, a category that does not have unvalued features can move from/into the Criterial Position (Hosono 2016). Following Chomsky (2013, 2015), who claims that (both external and internal) merge is free, movement from/into the Criterial Position would be allowed to occur with its legitimacy determined by filtering at the interfaces. If such movement is considered to occur exceptionally in narrow syntax, constraints on movement should exist. The argument that far more constraints on movement are imposed by phonology than have been considered so far (Hosono 2016, Richards 2016) indicates not only that internal merge may not be free, but also that narrow syntax will be crash-proof (Frampton and Gutmann 2002): the derivational mechanism will produce only well-formed structures that conform to the requirement by phonology, with no filters assumed.

Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004261
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 100
keywords: criterial position, labeling algorithm, scandinavian object shift, icelandic stylistic fronting, syntax, phonology

Kalin (2018) – Morphology before phonology: A case study of Turoyo (Neo-Aramaic)

Morphology before phonology: A case study of Turoyo (Neo-Aramaic)
Laura Kalin
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004258
October 2018
Some models of the morphology-phonology interface take morphology and phonology to be computed in the same component of the grammar, simultaneously, e.g., “P»M” instantiations of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993a,b, Kager 1996, i.a.). Other models, e.g., Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994), separate morphology from phonology, with operations that involve morphology preceding those that involve only phonology. I undertake a study of the order of operations needed to derive the form of finite verbs in the Neo-Aramaic language Turoyo (Jastrow 1993). Turoyo furnishes several arguments in favor of a separation of morphology from phonology, including phonologically-conditioned allomorphy that is anti-optimizing and surface opaque (reaffirming the robust earlier findings of Paster 2006) and infixation that in its surface position is invisible to allomorphy, but visible to phonological processes. More specifically, what Turoyo shows is that exponent choice fully precedes, and is oblivious to, phonological considerations.

Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004258
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in:
keywords: morphology, phonology, allomorphy, infixation, morphology, phonology

Singerman (2018) – The morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían language of the Brazilian Amazon

The morphosyntax of Tuparí, a Tupían language of the Brazilian Amazon
Adam Singerman
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004253
July 2018
This dissertation provides the most extensive description and analysis yet available for Tuparí, an endangered Tupían language spoken by approximately 350 people in the Brazilian state of Rondônia. Previous work on Tuparí discussed basic phonology and morphology only (Caspar and Rodrigues 1957, Seki 2001, Alves 2004); this dissertation, in contrast, addresses a wide range of grammatical questions with a special focus on the syntactic organization of the Tuparí clause. All the data presented and analyzed here were collected by the author over the course of over eight months of on-site field research in Rondônia. Following the best practices of documentary linguistics, I prioritize naturally-occurring data over elicited examples throughout the dissertation. Much use is made of the texts included in a 2016 literacy workbook edited by myself in collaboration with several indigenous schoolteachers, as well as from a separate text collection now in progress.

Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004253
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago
keywords: documentation, amazonian languages, tupían, tuparí, evidentiality, morphology, syntax, phonology