Direct link: https://goo.gl/I7TL8Q
Moore-Cantwell, Claire and Joe Pater (2016). Gradient Exceptionality in Maximum Entropy Grammar with Lexically Specific Constraints. To appear in Bonet, Eulàlia & Francesc Torres-Tamarit (eds.), Catalan Journal of Linguistics 15.
Abstract. The number of exceptions to a phonological generalization appears to gradiently affect its productivity. Generalizations with relatively few exceptions are relatively productive, as measured in tendencies to regularization, as well as in nonce word productions and other psycholinguistic tasks. Gradient productivity has been previously modeled with probabilistic grammars, including Maximum Entropy Grammar, but they often fail to capture the fixed pronunciations of the existing words in a language, as opposed to nonce words. Lexically specific constraints allow existing words to be produced faithfully, while permitting variation in novel words that are not subject to those constraints. When each word has its own lexically specific version of a constraint, an inverse correlation between the number of exceptions and the degree of productivity is straightforwardly predicted.
|Title:||The Tunica Stress Conspiracy Revisited|
|Comment:||To appear in Proceedings of AMP 2015|
|Abstract:||Kisseberth (1970b) distinguishes rules in Tunica (Haas 1940) that are subject to a constraint penalizing adjacent stresses from rules that are not subject to this constraint. This distinction appears on the surface to be particularly suited to a straightforward analysis within OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993): No-Clash is ranked above constraints responsible for the rules that are subject to it and below constraints responsible for the rules that are not. The full range of relevant facts in Tunica suggest that No-Clash is only crucially dominated and violated lexically, however; postlexically, No-Clash is undominated and there are no adjacent stresses on the surface. An analysis is within Stratal OT (Bermudez-Otero 1999, Kiparsky 2000) is proposed and defended.|
|Keywords:||Stratal OT, Tunica, stress, syncope, apocope, vowel deletion|
In his recent book “Patterns and Categories in English Suffixation and Stress Placement: A Theoretical and Quantitative Study,” Zamma (2013) identified four classes of English suffixes in terms of the (i) root attachment behaviors and (ii) stress patterns, instead of the more traditional “Class 1 vs. Class 2” distinction (Siegel, 1974). He showed that these four types of suffixes are not evenly distributed in the English lexicon, and their distributions are affected by whether the suffixes are light or heavy. He went on to argue that with the theory of unranked constraints developed by Anttila (2002), we can predict these distributions. This short paper offers a statistical reassessment of this claim using a bootstrap resampling method.
|Format:||[ pdf ]|
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002926)
|Published in:||manuscript, Keio University|
|keywords:||english, suffix, stress, root-attachment, bootstrap, resampling, morphology, phonology|
This paper presents a novel approach to probabilistic morphologically-conditioned tonotactics, featuring a case study of Mende, in which tonotactics vary by lexical category. This variation in surface tone patterns is modeled via indexed weight adjustments (i.e., varying slopes) for each constraint in a Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar, quantifying the degree to which each lexical class follows basic tonotactic principles in a common base grammar. Approaching morphologically-conditioned phonotactics as indexed weight adjustments of a base grammar offers a solution to the existing stalemate between single grammar (e.g., indexed constraints) and multiple grammar (e.g., Stratal OT; cophonologies) models of lexically-sensitive phonological patterns.
|Format:||[ pdf ]|
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002932)
|Published in:||Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 2015|
|keywords:||tone, phonotactics, maximum entropy, harmonic grammar, indexed constraints, cophonology theory, lexicon, morphophonology, mende, phonology|
Phonological opacity involves a generalization that cannot be stated solely by reference to surface structures. The classic, non-derivational version of Optimality Theory does not predict the existence of phonological opacity, as it is surface-oriented. As one possible response to this problem, a thesis has been advanced to the effect that opacity may not exist as a productive synchronic process. Regardless of whether this strong statement is true of human languages or not, it seems clear that the empirical status of phonological opacity needs to reexamined. In this theoretical context, this paper (i) offers a catalogue of cases of phonological opacity found in Japanese and (ii) provides information about how likely each case is to be treated as a productive pattern in the synchronic phonology of Japanese. This paper generally does not attempt to argue for a definitive answer for each case, but instead provides information that can be used to argue for or against its productivity, so that each researcher can evaluate the likelihood of the synchronic reality of each opaque pattern. Nevertheless, the overall emerging conclusion is that there are no cases of opacity in Japanese, which can be considered to be productive and psychologically real without a doubt. [This version supersedes lingbuzz/002239.]
|Format:||[ pdf ]|
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002934)
|Published in:||ms. Keio University|
|keywords:||japanese, opacity, derivation, optimality theory, phonology|
Rendaku is a process in Japanese by which the first consonant of a second member of a compound becomes voiced (e.g., /oo/ + /tako/ → /oo+dako/ ‘big octopus’). Lyman’s Law blocks rendaku when the second member already contains a voiced obstruent (/oo/ + /tokage/ → */oo+dokage/, /oo+tokage/ ‘big lizard’). Lyman’s Law, as a constraint which prohibits a morpheme with two voiced obstruents, is also known to trigger devoicing of geminates in loanwords (e.g. /beddo/ → /betto/ ‘bed’). Rendaku and Lyman’s Law have been very well studied in the past phonological literature. Inspired by recent work that shows the interplay between orthographic factors and grammatical factors in shaping our phonological behaviors, this paper proposes a rather radical alternative interpretation of rendaku and Lyman’s Law. Concretely, I argue that they operate over Japanese orthography. Rendaku is a process to assign dakuten diacritics, and Lyman’s Law prohibits morphemes with two diacritics. The paper shows that various properties of rendaku and Lyman’s Law follow from this proposal.
|Format:||[ pdf ]|
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002935)
|Published in:||Under review|
|keywords:||rendaku, lyman’s law, japanese, orthotactics, devoicing, opacity, underspecification, phonology|
|Title:||Gradient vowel harmony in Oceanic|
|Authors:||John Alderete, Sara Finley|
|Comment:||Stem lists of the four languages investigated here, as well as data tables for the vowel cooccurrence data are available at: http://anderei.net/datasets/|
|Abstract:||This article contributes to the understanding of gradient phonological patterns by investigating graded vowel co-occurrence in Oceanic languages. In particular, vowel co-occurrence patterns in disyllabic stems are investigated in four languages: Samoan, Tongan, Hawaiian, and Fijian, as well as reconstructed forms in Proto-Oceanic and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian. With some variation in degree, all languages exhibit an over-representation of identical vowel pairs (e.g., i-i), an under representation of similar vowel pairs (i-e), and no special restrictions on dissimilar vowel pairs (e.g., i-o). These graded restrictions are also subject to order effects in all languages because the dissimilar > similar inequality in frequency is only found in certain orders. Our focus is on documenting the patterns supporting these generalizations so that future theoretical analysis will rest on strong empirical ground. In addition, we propose one such analysis using gradient constraints on parasitic vowel harmony.|
|Keywords:||vowel harmony, Austronesian, gradient patterns, parasitic harmony|
E-mail from Johan Rooryck
We are pleased to announce the publication of our first four articles and editorial in Glossa. Please spread the word!
- Rooryck, Johan. 2016. Introducing Glossa. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 1. 1–3, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.91
- Welch, Nicholas. 2016. Propping up predicates: Adjectival predication in Tłįchǫ Yatıì. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 2. 1–23, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.7
- Kempen, Gerard and Karin Harbusch. 2016. Verb-second word order after German weil ‘because’: Psycholinguistic theory from corpus-linguistic data. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 3. 1–32, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.46
- Ahn, Byron. 2016. Syntax-phonology mapping and the Tongan DP. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 4. 1–36, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.39
- Dunbar, Ewan and Alexis Wellwood. 2016. Addressing the “two interface” problem: Comparatives and superlatives. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 1(1): 5. 1–29, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.9
All best wishes, and thanks for your continued support,
For the editors,
Editor in Chief
From Joe Pater (email@example.com)
Paul Smolensky explains the roots of the term “Harmony” in Harmony Theory (and Harmonic Grammar and Optimality Theory) in statistical physics (and vowel harmony):
Smolensky mentions a sign change from the statistical physics formulation, which leads to a discussion of the reason for the original polarity with Mark Johnson, culminating in some speculation about potential cognitive interpretations of T.
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