Monthly Archives: June 2016

Pons-Moll and Lloret (2014): The free-ride procedure to morphophonemic learning is correct. Some evidence from Catalan vowel epenthesis

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1533_ponsmoll_1.pdf

ROA: 1280
Title: The free-ride procedure to morphophonemic learning is correct. Some evidence from Catalan vowel epenthesis
Authors: Claudia Pons-Moll, Maria-Rosa Lloret
Comment: Handout of the talk given at the 22 Manchester Phonology Meeting (2014). A later version of this work has been published in Linguistic Inquiry, 47.1. (Winter 2016). Previous versions of the same issue have been presented at the Meertens Institute / Royal
Length: 20
Abstract: The structure present in URs is not challenging when productive morphophonemic alternations shed light on it, and when there is a clear and systematic phonological condition in the language that justifies the differences between the UR that has to be established and the corresponding surface representation. The challenge, or the uncertainty, appears in those cases in which such morphophonemic alternations do not exist, when they are not fully productive or transparent, and also when alternative interpretations are possible. This is the case of the URs corresponding to words beginning with < esC >- in Catalan (escriure ‘to write’, estona ‘while’, espot ‘spot’), for which there is a small amount of morphological evidence for treating the initial vowel as underlying or as epenthetic (Wheeler 2005).

The purpose of this paper is twofold. On the empirical side, we aim at contributing to the body of knowledge about the UR of words beginning with < esC >- in Catalan. On the theoretical side, and relying on the empirical results obtained, we provide arguments that support the free-ride approach to morphophonemic learning (McCarthy 2005). On the basis of the casuistry arising from the interaction between word-initial vowel epenthesis in Catalan and particular cases of underapplication of vowel reduction in Majorcan Catalan, we provide empirical arguments, lying inside the grammar, for the underlying absence of the initial vowel in words beginning with < esC >-. On the basis of these results, we show how Majorcan Catalan learners take a ‘free ride’ in the process of constructing the UR of nonalternating forms by generalizing the pattern — and the subsequent input-output mapping — observed in cases with transparent morphophonemic alternations and a parallel syllabification problem.

Type: Paper/tech report
Area/Keywords: underlying representations, free-ride, (lack of) morphophonemic alternations, vowel epenthesis, underapplication of vowel reduction, Catalan

Pons-Moll, Jimenez and Lloret (2015): Glide phonotactics in varieties of Catalan (and Spanish)

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1534_ponsmoll_1.pdf

ROA: 1279
Title: Glide phonotactics in varieties of Catalan (and Spanish)
Authors: Claudia Pons-Moll, Jesus Jimenez, Maria-Rosa Lloret
Comment: Handout of the talk given at the Going Romance 29 (2015)
Length: 24
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is a) to outline a typological comparison of the glide phonotactic patterns attested across some Catalan and Spanish varieties, b) to provide a formal account of these patterns, framed within Optimality Theory, and more specifically within the Split Margin approach (Baertsch 2002) to syllable organization, and c) to show that, to formalize the whole variation, both i) markedness constraints related to intrasyllabic organization (Baerstch 2002) and ii) markedness constraints referring to the harmony of segments in intervocalic position (Kirchner 1998; Uffmann 2005) are necessary.
Type: Paper/tech report
Keywords: syllable structure, Split Margin Hierarchy, glides, strengthening, weakening, Catalan, Spanish

 

Pons-Moll and Torres-Tamarit (2016): Prosodically-driven morpheme non-realization in the Minorcan Catalan DP

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1529_ponsmoll_1.pdf

ROA: 1278
Title: Prosodically-driven morpheme non-realization in the Minorcan Catalan DP
Authors: Claudia Pons-Moll, Francesc Torres-Tamarit
Comment: Handout of the talk presented at the 24th Manchester Phonology Meeting
Length: 16pp
Abstract: Minorcan Catalan has an intriguing case of morpheme non-realization that is prosodically-driven and that cannot be accounted for allomorphically. Kinship appositional phrases are generally realized with the structure Es the-M.DEF.ART conco uncle en the-M.PERS.ART Jaume James (‘uncle James’) when the personal name starts with a consonant, but with the structure Es the-M.DEF.ART conco uncle ? Ángel (‘uncle Ángel’) when the personal name starts with a vowel. That is, the personal article en fails to surface when the personal name starts with a vowel. The same path, with non-realization of the personal article, is detected before feminine personal names. In this paper, we show that these asymmetries can be formalized straightforwardly within a parallel and global OT framework through the interaction of standard (morpho)prosodic constraints (McCarthy & Prince 1993, Selkirk 1996 / 2003; Prince & Smolensky 1993 / 2004) with morpheme realization constraints (see Selkirk 2001, Kurisu 2001, among others).
Type: Paper/tech report
Keywords: phonology, morphosyntax, morpheme non-realization, prosody-morphosyntax interface, recoverability, alignment constraints

 

Discussion: Phonology archives

From Joe Pater

I came across an interesting blog post the other day discussing the practice of posting conference papers to arXiv in NLP and machine learning before they have been reviewed. It includes some data from a poll on how people use it in each discipline – machine learning people tend to post earlier in the publication cycle, perhaps due to an influential call for a new publishing model by Yann Le Cun of deep learning fame, and perhaps due to a greater fear of being scooped.

This got me thinking again about archives in our discipline. I came of academic age at the time that ROA was launched, and it was fantastic as a grad student to have access to the latest research in the framework I was using, and to be able to share my own work so easily. As I’ve told Alan Prince already, we’re hugely in his debt for having established that archive, and we also owe a huge thanks to Eric Bakovi? and others for all their work on it, as we do to Michal Starke and others at LingBuzz.

It’s clear, though, that in contrast with the situation in computer science, use of archives is on the decline in phonology. I post to them only sporadically myself, generally only making time to keep my own web page updated. In contrast to when ROA was founded, the preservation function of an archive is less required; most of us have archives serving this purpose at our own institutions (see e.g. John McCarthy’s ScholarWorks archive), and who knows, maybe a document hosted on a google drive will last longer than one on a university site. I find the google drive alternative particularly convenient because it’s so easy to update a paper. And this brings up the main issue in my mind for posting to archives early in the publication cycle: if you have your paper in multiple places, you need to update multiple copies, each with considerably more hassle than a google drive.

Preservation is only one function of these archives, and it’s far less important than another: dissemination. For dissemination, one’s own webpage, or institutional archive, is not a viable alternative. The main impetus for Phonolist was to facilitate dissemination for papers that weren’t being posted to the archives, and it seemed that the added functionality of optional blog discussion of papers would make it attractive for that purpose. I’ve been somewhat surprised to see that people haven’t been using it much for that (most of the papers we advertise are reposts from LingBuzz and ROA).

Phonolist currently lacks any indexing functionality (besides searches), and this is one way that it could be improved to better serve the cause of dissemination. This will likely be an upcoming addition, along with a community .bibtex file.

The question I’d like to bring up for discussion is whether people perceive the need for a general phonology archive, and if so, what it should look like. ROA is limited to OT and its affiliates, and LingBuzz has technical issues that have made it frustrating to use, and I’ve heard that it’s unlikely to be improved. My limited experience with academia.edu and researchgate has been negative. I thought an easy fix might be to start using http://cogprints.org, but in response to my inquiry about it, Stevan Harnad said “CogPrints has no long-term support and I would say it’s obsolete (though I’m still keeping it up).” More generally, I’d be interested to hear people’s thoughts about how they use the existing archives, and why they don’t use them.

Kastner (2016) – Form and Meaning in the Hebrew Verb

Form and Meaning in the Hebrew Verb
Itamar Kastner
June 2016
Direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003028

This dissertation is about the basic building blocks that make up words, and how these building blocks interact with the rest of the grammar. The grammar is generally viewed as an inventory of contentful units and the rules governing their combination. One question for linguistic theory is what these units might be like. Are they different for different languages? A second question is how these pieces are put together, and again we ask whether these combinatory processes are the same in different languages. A third question is to ask what we can build. This study concentrates on building verbs, specifically how the grammar builds their structure in a way that then constrains semantic interpretation and phonological pronunciation.

The empirical domain is the verbal system of Modern Hebrew, where this work attempts to unify our treatment of concatenative and non-concatenative morphology. The hypothesis put forward is that hierarchical syntactic structure, once generated, must be interpreted according to specific locality constraints when transferred to the interfaces with semantics and phonology. At each interface additional calculations take place. These calculations are interface-particular: semantics and phonology are not identical objects of study. Yet the two have in common a locality constraint on calculations that derives directly from the syntactic structure. In addition, individual lexical items (“roots”) place their own requirements on the meaning and/or the pronunciation. The theory developed here limits this influence of roots to the two interfaces, making the claim that individual roots have no syntactic features. Nevertheless, roots are active at the interfaces in ways that are predictable once the right generalizations are sought out. The phonological form of roots is relevant at the phonology and their lexical semantics is relevant at the semantics: roots have no syntactic features, only interface requirements.

Hebrew, being a contemporary Central Semitic language, shows the kind of non-concatenative, “root-and-pattern” morphology that is organized around consonantal “roots” and prosodic “templates”, the latter consisting of a prosodic shape, certain vowels and an affix. The account put forward argues that Hebrew roots are abstract lexical elements which combine with discrete syntactic functional heads. The combination, once fed through the phonology of the language, results in morphophonological templates which are not primitives of the system in and of themselves. The architecture defended supports the view of constrained interpretation at the interfaces which lies at the core of this proposal, using non-hierarchical surface forms in order to mount an argument for hierarchical structure.

Chapter one of the dissertation introduces the issues at hand and the basics of the Hebrew verbal system. It also reviews a number of earlier approaches which help set the stage for the analysis that follows.
Chapter two develops the syntactic-semantic part of the proposal, defining the syntactic elements needed to derive verbal morphology both for Hebrew and crosslinguistically. It is shown that the different combinations of these elements produce the verbal system of Hebrew in a way that is constrained, in the semantics, by the lexical idiosyncrasies of individual roots.
Chapter three takes the proposed structures and manipulates them in the phonological component of the grammar. The view of linearization pursued here is shown to make correct predictions. The effect of different classes of roots is highlighted, and the point is made that verbal templates are not holistic morphemes but the spell-out of distinct functional heads.
Chapter four takes a quantitative approach, surveying previous psycholinguistic and neurolinguistic work on Semitic languages and presenting novel findings from a recent magnetoencephalography experiment. These findings support the claims made in the previous chapters regarding the organization of the system.
Chapter five considers how the child might acquire this system. Recent developmental findings are surveyed and a novel computational model is discussed. This chapter outlines a model of Semitic acquisition in which the consonantal character of roots is used as a learning cue, leading to acquisition of basic verbal templates and eventually the system as a whole.
Chapter six concludes, recapitulating the main contributions of this work: derivations in a generative grammar combine rigid grammatical principles with unstructured lexical material. This dissertation defends an explicit view of how such combination takes place.

Format: pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003028
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003028)
Published in: Doctoral dissertation, NYU
keywords: phdthesis, allomorphy, allosemy, hebrew, locality, semitic, syntax, phonology, semantics, morphology

Kuchenbrandt (2016) – Prosody and object clitic placement: A comparison of Old and Modern Spanish

Prosody and object clitic placement: A comparison of Old and Modern Spanish
Imme Kuchenbrandt
June 2016
Direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003022

It has often been claimed that the Tobler–Mussafia Law, i.e. the ban on sentence-initial clitic pronouns, is based on prosodic properties such as the ban on unstressed monosyllabic words at the sentence beginning ( Mussafia, 1886) or the inherent enclitic nature of the respective pronouns (Meyer-Lübke, 1897). More recent research has identified a number of extra-phonological motivations for this clitic placement, making a prosodic explanation seem superfluous. The present study addresses the question whether Old Spanish, a clear Tobler–Mussafia language, differs in its prosodic patterns from Modern Spanish, which does not show the Tobler–Mussafia placement any longer. The comparison of the data shows that Old Spanish tolerates more sentence-initial unstressed monosyllables and unstressed pretonic syllables at the sentence beginning than Modern Spanish does, contrary to expectations. Together with the observation that the direction of clitic attachment is rather due to the prosodic context (i.e. the immediate preceding or following prosodic words and potential Phonological Phrase boundaries) than to a fixed directionality parameter, this falsifies the hypothesis that the clitic placement pattern in the TML language Old Spanish is due to specific prosodic patterns.

Format: pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003022
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003022)
Published in: Lingua (10.1016/j.lingua.2016.05.002)
keywords: prosody; tobler–mussafia law; old spanish; modern spanish; clitics, phonology

Savoia & Baldi (2016) – Propagation and preservation of rounded back vowels in Lucanian and Apulian varieties

Propagation and preservation of rounded back vowels in Lucanian and Apulian varieties
Leonardo SavoiaBenedetta Baldi
June 2016
Direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003020

This article addresses the descriptive and theoretical aspects of the relation between cavity properties of vowels and consonants. This relation is studied on the basis of some vocalic harmonizing processes depending on the adjacency between [u] and a velar (or labial) consonant in the domain of the stressed nucleus. Propagation of /u/ and preservation of /u/ in pre-tonic position in Southern Italian varieties provide the crucial testing ground for our analysis; one last process we investigate is the distribution of metaphonic outcomes in a Salento dialect. The nature of phonological representations is the other question we are concerned with. This point has been recently explored specifically in relation to the explanatory role of structure and its relation with the melodic content of segments. Our proposal is that the phonological structure of the string corresponds in a direct and exhaustive way to the elementary melodic properties of the segments.

Format: pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003020
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003020)
Published in: Quaderni di Linguistica e Studi Orientali / Working Papers in Linguistics and Oriental Studies (QULSO), 2, Università di Firenze
keywords: harmonizing processes, vowel-consonant adjacency, phonological theory, phonology

Schlenker et al. (2016) – Formal Monkey Linguistics: the Debate [Replies to Commentaries]

Formal Monkey Linguistics: the Debate [Replies to Commentaries]
Philippe SchlenkerEmmanuel ChemlaAnne SchelJames FullerJean-Pierre GautierJeremy KuhnDunja VeselinovicKate ArnoldCristiane CäsarSumir KeenanAlban LemassonKarim OuattaraRobin RyderKlaus Zuberbühler
June 2016
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003016

We explain why general techniques from formal linguistics can and should be applied to the analysis of monkey communication – in the areas of syntax and especially semantics. An informed look at our recent proposals shows that such techniques needn’t rely excessively on categories of human language: syntax and semantics provide versatile formal tools that go beyond the specificities of human linguistics. We argue that ‘formal monkey linguistics’ can yield new insights into monkey morphology, syntax, and semantics, as well as raise provocative new questions about the existence of a pragmatic, competition-based component in these communication systems. Finally, we argue that evolutionary questions, which are highly speculative in human language, can be addressed in an empirically satisfying fashion in primate linguistics, and we lay out problems that should be addressed at the interface between evolutionary primate linguistics and formal analyses of language evolution.

Format: pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003016
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003016)
keywords: primate linguistics, syntax, phonology, semantics, morphology, monkey semantics, monkey linguistics, syntax, phonology, semantics, morphology

Stevens et al. (2016): The pursuit of word meanings

The pursuit of word meanings
Jon StevensLila GleitmanJohn TrueswellCharles Yang
June 2016
direct link: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003012

We evaluate here the performance of four models of cross-situational word learning; two global models, which extract and retain multiple referential alternatives from each word occurrence; and two local models, which extract just a single referent from each occurrence. One of these local models, dubbed Pursuit, uses an associative learning mechanism to estimate word-referent probability but pursues and tests the best referent-meaning at any given time. Pursuit is found to perform as well as global models under many conditions extracted from naturalistic corpora of parent child-interactions, even though the model maintains far less information than global models. Moreover, Pursuit is found to best capture human experimental findings from several relevant cross-situational word learning experiments, including those of Yu and Smith (2007), the paradigm example of a finding believed to support fully global cross-situational models. Implications and limitations of these results are discussed, most notably that the model characterizes only the earliest stages of word learning, when reliance on the co-occurring referent world is at its greatest.

Format: pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003012
(please use that when you cite this article, unless you want to cite the full url: http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/003012)
Published in: To appear in Cognitive Science
keywords: language acquisition, word learning, computational modeling, morphology, phonology

AMP 2016 reminder and poster

On behalf of the organizers of Annual Meeting in Phonology (AMP) 2016 to be held at the University of Southern California, we would like to remind you of the upcoming June 30, 2016 deadline for submission of abstracts. For your convenience, we attach a poster with information about the conference that you can distribute to colleagues and students and post in your department if you wish. We would also like to remind you that if you are a reviewer of abstracts for the conference, that does not prevent you from submitting an abstract yourself.
We are looking forward to a terrific conference!
With warm regards,
Charlie O’Hara
Caitlin Smith
AMP 2016 Program Committee