Archive for the ‘Legal Studies’ Category

Writing Elsewhere

Monday, July 20th, 2009

I’ve been writing elsewhere than this blog in recent months, much of it appearing in Indian Country Today. The focus is on sharpening and heightening the critique of federal Indian law in the face of increasing anti-Indian uses of that body of law by the US Supreme Court.

For example, here’s a three column series in Indian Country Today analyzing federal Indian ‘trust doctrine’ in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court decision denying compensation to the Navajo Nation for decades of underpaid coal extraction pursuant to federally approved leases [United States v. Navajo Nation, (2009)]:

“Navajo Nation, known as an ‘Indian tribe’” – ICT, April 15, 2009
“Can federal Indian ‘trust’ be trusted?” – ICT, April 22, 2009
“The sands of federal ‘trust’” – ICT, April 29, 2009

The columns have garnered a variety of comments and have been reprinted and linked to by other writers. I am happy to be part of a rethinking of these matters.

Imagine: the day after Obama’s election (podcast)

Tuesday, March 17th, 2009

I was interviewed on WMCB radio (107.9 FM) in Greenfield, Massachusetts, the day after Barack Obama was elected President of the United States. The interviewer was Tom Maclean, a regular host on the low-power community station. He and I engaged in an hour of conversation, sharing thoughts, memories, concerns, doubts, and hopes about where we are heading in these historic times. Here is a podcast, just over one hour long:

And here is an approximate timeline of the podcast with notes about what we were discussing at each segment:

~ 2:30 – interview starts after musical introduction
~ 4:10 – 1960′s enthusiasm and tumult
~ 7:15 – flower children and root children
~ 8:50 – “pointing us toward ourselves”
~ 9:53 – danger of disillusionment, especially for young voters
~ 11:30 – politics is not a “game”
~ 15:30 – environmental damage; Hopi prophecy
~ 17:30 – living in balance
~ 20:20 – burning food for fuel (corn ethanol)
~ 21:15 – 5% consuming 25% not sustainable
~ 23:10 – Hopi Fourth World; greed
~ 24:00 – indigenous learning
~ 24:40 – scale and speed; planetary consciousness
~ 25:45 – New American century?
~ 26:30 – African-American president
~ 28:30 – America = diversity
~ 30:20 – 9/11; what New York City means
~ 30:45 – Somalia rape/stoning; limits to religious practice
~ 33:53 – dysfunctional Family of Abraham
~ 36:30 – where next? truth and food
~ 38:20 – wish lists and triage
~ 41:00 – CEO salaries; inequality within the 5%
~ 41:45 – capitalism imploding
~ 42:00 – money like water; “free market” and law
~ 43:39 – force and wealth
~ 44:50 – money is debt; libertarians
~ 45:30 – John Lewis; slavery in the Constitution
~ 46:30 – racism; no clean flag
~ 47:40 – naming history; patriotism; the NRA
~ 48:50 – Bill of Rights
~ 49:50 – presidential term limit amendment
~ 52:10 – nation states; bioregional organizations; devolution
~ 55:20 – conflict is real; opportunity
~ 57:30 – compassion and common good
~ 59:30 – me and I
~ 1:00:00 – life is living us
~ 1:02:40 – trusting ourselves to talk; Palin’s black shirts

As I listen, now well into the Obama administration, to what we said that morning after, I feel we did a pretty good job exploring the promises and pitfalls of what may come. Our focus in the conversation was the big picture of history and social change. Each of us has been active in political and social movements for several decades. We drew on our experiences to celebrate a momentous election with what might be called “optimistic skepticism.”

Economic strength through land theft and war?

Friday, February 27th, 2009

Reviewing Jeff Madrick’s The Case for Big Government in The New York Review ["Government Beyond Obama?"], Richard Parker writes that the influence of government’s share of GDP from the American Revolution to the Great Depression was “quite small,” but had a “disproportionately large” influence on the economy. [NYR, 12 March 2009, 38]

Parker’s analysis of the federal role in this period is that

…upon organization of the Northwest Territory in 1789, the federal government became the nation’s largest landowner—a fact not reflected in conventional GDP calculations. And over the next century and a half the federal government was able to shape economic growth through its land distribution policies: for example, it used sales and leases of its land to foster small-scale farming, promote free primary (and later higher) education, encourage forestry and mining, and finance the nation’s vast transportation network.

When we recall a fact not reflected in conventional history — that the lands over which the federal government asserted control were Indian lands, not public domain — we get a sharper and less pleasing view of the federal role in boosting the economy in that 150 years. It was land theft.

For example, Lincoln’s economic policies resulted in huge areas of Indian land being opened to colonization. States were granted 71 million acres. Another 85 million acres were awarded to homesteaders under the 1862 Homestead Act. Yet another 155 million acres of Indian lands, including “rights of way and alternate sections of non-mineral bearing lands,” were “granted outright” to “corporate interests which undertook to finance the construction of the transcontinental railroad.” [Jennings C. Wise, The Red Man in the New World Drama (1971), New York: Macmillan, 260].

Parker criticizes Madrick for ignoring “effects of American foreign and military policies on economic growth. Between 1945 and 1975—the period Madrick cites so approvingly in contrast to the decades that followed—half of all federal spending was for the military, and significant parts of the rest (including for education, roads, science, and technology) were justified as military preparedness.” [NYR 41]

Putting these two historical periods together — 1789-1939 and 1945-1975 — a truthful observer would say that U.S. economic strength derived from big government was based on theft and war. If we take into account how much war was involved in the early land thefts, we might conclude that the only thing big federal government has done to boost the economy in the entire 220 years since 1789 has been to wage war. Not so pretty a picture of American political economy after all.

Strangely enough, Parker concludes his review with a call for the federal government “first to save Wall Street and restore credit, and then to begin rebuilding the devastation Wall Street’s failure has left behind.” [41] Since credit cannot be conjured out of thin air, does this mean more land theft and more war? And what then for the devastation that financial success leaves behind?

Parker’s final sentence, “The challenge of creating a new era for government as long-term guarantor of our security and well-being lies ahead.” One wishes that “our security and well-being” could be founded on some new political economy, not the same old, same old, which, after all, is looking increasingly problematic on a global scale.

Let’s get realistic about law

Thursday, April 26th, 2007

Harvard Law Prof. Charles Fried, who testified to the Senate in support of both Roberts and Alito Supreme Court nominations, expresses alarm at the Court’s recent coerced pregnancy decision. (I call it by its positive name, rather than the negative ‘anti-abortion.’)

There’s nothing new about Fried’s analysis. He relies on an old Harvardian penchant to reify formal legal doctrine and ignore or deny the unique effects of individual judges. This is undoubtedly what he believed when he answered Senator Feinstein’s question “whether I thought a Justice Roberts would vote to overrule Roe v. Wade.”

Prof. Fried recalls he told the Senator, “I thought he would not, at least not in its later, less absolute version… which protected against governments imposing an ‘undue burden’ on a woman’s right to choose abortion before the fetus’s viability. I told Senator Feinstein that the formulation, and the principles behind it, had become so deeply rooted … that its abandonment would produce … violent unsettling of the law….” Fried adds, “The next year, when I testified in support of Samuel Alito, Senator Feinstein asked me the same question. I gave the same answer.”

Now, in a New York Times Op-Ed piece, 26 April 2007, Fried says he’s worried. But he focuses his critique on Kennedy, who wrote for the majority, not on Roberts or Alito who were in that majority. “Kennedy,” says Fried, “fails to come to grips with his own jurisprudence” and “was not quite willing to embrace his own conclusion.” This is disingenuous. Fried wants Kennedy, widely regarded as the “swing vote” on the court, to save the law from “violent unsettling.” He fails to acknowledge that the addition of Roberts and Alito to the court is precisely what created the possibility of a majority to support Kennedy’s opinion. And in this, he exposes the naiveté of the notion that any law has a life of its own beyond the predilections of judges.

The notion that judges are impersonal actors may sustain popular belief in legal order, but it is far from what a scholar should enunciate to a Senator trying to predict what a potential Justice will do. The Senator deserves to hear what Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote in 1918: “for legal purposes a right is only the hypostasis of a prophecy — the imagination of a substance…” [Harvard Law Review, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Nov., 1918), p. 42]. There are no rights that enforce themselves. There are no rights that do not involve interpretation. There are no judicial decisions about rights that do not turn on how judges view the facts of a particular case.

Senator Feinstein should not have been encouraged to believe she could set aside her concerns about Roe v. Wade. She should have been told there is no law “so deeply rooted” it may not be overturned. She was already suspicious that these particular nominees might do so. Her caution should have been encouraged, not dismissed.

Fried says the recent decision doesn’t change his mind about the stability of Roe v. Wade, “because the procedure that was banned, intact dilation and extraction, is too rarely used and its importance too dubious to make much difference.”. This is an example of de minimis non curat lex: the law does not care about trivial things. “Too rare” and “too dubious” means that women whose pregnancies are mandated (because the procedure is banned) are too few in number and their circumstances not sufficiently significant (to the law?). They don’t count, so to speak.

“Still,” Fried says, “this most recent decision is disturbing….” He explains that, aside from Kennedy’s failure to live up to his own jurisprudence (whatever that means in a theory of reified, disembodied law), the “more far-reaching reason” he is disturbed is that there are lots more decisions up for grabs. Roe v. Wade is only one of many cases the Court majority may re-address. He is especially afraid the slew of legally “incoherent” decisions determined by the previous swing justice, Sandra O’Connor, will become targets for the Court to “eliminate … confusion and restore principle” (is this what the new majority is doing?), and “the cry will go up that the court is simply reflecting its changed political complexion, not reasoning carefully and promoting stability and clarity in the law. And last week’s decision will lend plausibility to that charge.”

What about that decision will “lend plausibility” to the charge of political bias? Is it really Kennedy’s failure “to come to grips with his own jurisprudence”? Or is it the presence on the bench of two more right wing justices about whom Fried counseled, “Don’t Worry”? The wake-up call should be to those who believe in a magical law that lives by its own roots. This is a fairy tale. We must come to grips with such naive jurisprudence.

Fried complains, “Kennedy… suggested that perhaps as applied in a particular case in which there was an increased health risk the ban might be unconstitutional after all,” and asks, “What can that mean?” Well, the most important thing it can mean is that the swing justice may be willing to swing again, moving the majority to the other side in some future case. We are lucky Kennedy “was not quite willing to embrace his own conclusion.” I suspect Prof. Fried may be wishing he had not embraced his own conclusion at the Senate hearings. It seems that “violent unsettling of the law” is what we’re in for (in more than one venue) under the current regime.

Still trying to kill the Indian

Monday, April 16th, 2007

The New York Times reports that “Mexico’s public health authorities have concluded that the girls at the Children’s Village School are suffering from a mass psychogenic disorder. In layman’s language, they have a collective hysteria.” The school was founded in 1990 by a Catholic order, the Sisters of Mary. The students are girls from “some of Mexico’s poorest regions.” The girls are “tightly disciplined and very isolated.” The school’s director, Sister Margie Cheong, says: “Yes, the girls miss their families. But here we form character. A girl here is no longer an Indian girl from the mountains. She knows how to express herself, she knows how to smile. They have confidence.”

Does this sound familiar? It is a contemporary manifestation of the principle enunciated by Capt. Richard C. Pratt, who founded the U.S. Training and Industrial School at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, in 1879: “Kill the Indian … and save the man.” This was the intention behind the whole system of American Indian boarding schools in the U.S. and Canada. Take the child away from family community and “save” it for “civilization.”

Boarding school horror stories abound. A few students were happy with this “salvation.” One useful comprehensive resource on the subject is David Wallace Adams’, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928 (University of Kansas, 1995).

Is it a surprise that the girls in the Children’s Village School are hysterical? I don’t think so.

Blood Politics

Monday, April 2nd, 2007

The March 3, 2007, special election vote by the Cherokee Nation to remove citizenship from intermarried whites and descendants of freed African slaves has raised renewed examination of “blood politics.” As columnist Steve Newcomb points out in Indian Country Today, “The Cherokee Nation has received a great deal of heated criticism for its decision to eject the black freedman from their national rolls.” In a related column, Professor Eric Cheyfitz notes that “Cherokee Nation Principal Chief Chad Smith invoked the criteria of ‘blood’ as that which defines the boundaries of Indian nations. And yet in the same explanation, Smith denied the charge of racism….”

Some observers correlate American Indian citizenship disputes with struggles over resources, especially casino revenues. Whatever the motivations, identity politics is visible well beyond an American Indian context, in a variety of situations around the world. The Cherokee vote is an opportunity to look at assumptions behind notions of “race.”

The basic irony of racial politics in the modern world is that blood purity myths are sustained among mixed-blood peoples. The reality today is that humanity is a mixed-blood species. Race politics is a lie told within this truth.

Take a look at some blood myths within the American context:

1. Black blood, the blood of the slaves imported from Africa, is very strong; a few drops are sufficient to make someone black. The “octoroons” of American slavery are an example of the mythical power of black blood: one-eighth black blood overcame seven-eighths white blood. This kind of thinking was very useful to white male slave-owners, who could increase their slave property by having intercourse with their female slaves. The labor-pains of these women produced more slaves to labor for the master.

2. Red blood, the blood of Indigenous Peoples in the Americas, is comparatively weak in relation to white; a single dose of white blood was sufficient to make someone a “half-breed”; one more dose produced the one-fourth blood-quantum that became a common federal definition of Indian identity. The 1887 Dawes Allotment Act used this standard to dismember the Cherokee Nation and remove land from Cherokee control.

3. White blood is perhaps the most mythical of all; its purity and strength, though powerful in relation to “red” blood, are vulnerable to virtually all others. This was the reasoning behind anti-miscegenation laws criminalizing interracial dating and marriage nearly into the 21st century. (In a strange variation on color, the rarest form of white blood is blue blood, a type of divine origin preserved among the nobility; it is so weak it has to be protected against mixture with non-noble whites.)

Blood myths parade as biology, but they are ideologies wrapped in the language of genetics. Racism is a type of politics that pretends to be a part of nature. Whether in Bosnia or the Cherokee Nation, under colonialism or a slave regime, in domestic or international arenas, race politics is the same. Mixed-blood humanity is burdened with racial metaphysics.

In a 1909 naturalization case [In Re Halladjian, 174 Federal Reporter 834], a federal court admitted four Armenians to United States citizenship, over an objection of the federal government that the petitioners were not “white.” The judge’s reasoning, based on extensive analysis of history and statutes, is still startling, almost a century later:

We find, then, that there is no European or white race, as the United States contends, and no Asiatic or yellow race which includes substantially all the people of Asia; that the mixture of races in western Asia for the last 25 centuries raises doubt if its individual inhabitants can be classified by race…. We find, further, that the word “white” has generally been used in the federal and in the state statutes, in the publications of the United States, and in its classification of its inhabitants, to include all persons not otherwise classified…. [845]

The judge saw white privilege as it is: an historical construct, a catchall category rooted in politics, not biology. Further, in response to the government’s argument that “white” referred to “the prevailing ideals, standards, and aspirations of the people of Europe,” [837] the judge stated:

… a reasonable modesty may well remind Europeans that the origin of their letters was in Phoenicia, the origin of much of their art in Egypt, that Asia Minor claimed, at least, the birthplace of the first great European poet, and that the Christian religion, which most Europeans believe to have influenced their civilization and ideals, was born in Palestine. [840]

Imagine how much less conflict we would see today if this “reasonable modesty” were borne in mind! We would have to acknowledge that “race” and “blood quantum” are tools for oppression, with no redeeming social value, for the Cherokee Nation or any other nation or people.

****
I wrote an earlier version of some of these thoughts for Interracial Voice, in response to the O.J. Simpson case: O.J.’s Blood

Palestinian Youth – to start again

Wednesday, March 14th, 2007

Re: “Years of Strife and Lost Hope Scar Young Palestinian Lives” (The New York Times, 12 March 2007): Steven Erlanger reports of the youthful fighters that “All of them want to leave and start again, somewhere.”

Intriguing to compare this sentiment with the attitude of a “Galilean pioneer” in Arthur Koestler’s novel, “Thieves in the Night”: “We don’t want to change and we don’t want to improve, we want to begin from the beginning.”

It seems by now the government of Israel would have learned the ultimate futility of forcible ghettoization. That which inspired revolutionary actions in Zionist history is likely to have the same effect on others today.

Probably there will never be sustainable government (let alone democracy) where walls and ghettos are necessary.

Clans and state – Somaliland

Thursday, March 8th, 2007

Yesterday’s The New York Times reports on “The Other Somalia: An Island of Stability in a Sea of Armed Chaos” (7 March 2007, A11).

The gist of the article is that Somaliland (the northern part of Somalia) has achieved peace and social stability through an integration of tribal, clan and national institutions. In contrast, the rest of Somalia, trying to organize via Western-style (and supported) governance, continues to be in chaos. The 19th century colonial pasts of these two regions partly explains the present situation: Somaliland went to the British, who, in their fashion of “indirect rule,” relied on pre-existing clan chiefs; Somalia went to the Italians, who brought thousands of administrators to rule directly. After decolonization in 1960, the two regions merged, but only Somaliland was able to sustain a viable government; Somalia collapsed into violence, from which it has not yet emerged.

Law & Society scholars and others have long discussed the differences between clan and state systems. Some relegate clan organizations to the realm of historical anthropology, while others focus on contemporary clan systems in so-called “less developed” societies. Only a few regard tribe and clan as relevant to “advanced” societies. The Times article is valuable for its display of the historical picture as a foundation for contemporary political process.

Though the Times article makes no mention of Iraq or Afghanistan, we may understand that each of those countries has a historical foundation of clan governance. In Iraq, this becomes occasionally visible in the proposals for partitioning into three areas; in Afghanistan, almost every report acknowledges the clan structure, in then guise of “warlords.”

To the extent that we comprehend clan and tribe as historical and contemporary phenomena, we may better investigate how and when and where these modes of social organization may not only help provide, but be necessary ingredients for peace and stability. Where these modes have been destroyed, we may be in the position of Humpty Dumpty: “All the King’s horses and all the King’s men couldn’t put him back again.”

***
After I wrote this note, I read Rory Stewart’s Op-Ed piece about Afghanistan and Iraq in the same issue of the Times: “The Value of Their Values”. Though he uses the term “values,” it’s clear from the text that he is referring to “social structures” as well as personal behaviors. His conclusion:

Our invective about state failure and our dissatisfaction have become part of the problem. Real solutions will emerge, often improbably, from local individual virtues, and from the cultures we struggle to describe and tend to ignore.

American Indian – a note on names

Monday, March 5th, 2007

The name, “American Indians,” derives from the colonizers’ world-view; it is a name given to the Indigenous Peoples of the continent by outsiders and strangers. Most of us know the story: Columbus (his Spanish name gives away his secret: Cristobal Colon; the Christian colonizer) thought he was going to India, and, being a vain and self-important man, insisted he had found it; he named the people he met “Indians.” The “American” part came later, after everyone but Columbus admitted his error, and the continent had been named for another Italian navigator, Amerigo Vespucci.

In addition to naming entire Peoples, colonizers developed naming practices applied to individuals among these Peoples. One analysis describes “the renaming of Native Americans” as a “cultural project: to fashion and normalize a standard patriarchal family-system deemed suitable to [U.S. and Canadian] citizenship, property rights, and civilized, moral conduct.” [James C. Scott, John Tehranian, and Jeremy Mathias, "Government Surnames and Legal Identities," in Carl Watner, ed., National Identification Systems (Jefferson, NC, and London: McFarland & Co., Inc., 2004). The analysis originally appeared as "The Production of Legal Identities Proper to States: The Case of the Permanent Family Surname," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 44:01, pp. 4-44 (January 2002); available at Cambridge Journals Online.]

An 1897 essay by the Superintendent of the U. S. Boarding School for Crow Indians, Montana, illustrates the cultural policy of “naming the Indians”: “The Indian Department has continually urged this matter upon its agents, superintendents, and other workers ‘in the field.’ The command to give names to the Indians and to establish the same as far as possible by continuous use has been a part of the ‘Rules and Regulations’ for years past. … In this thing, as in nearly all others, the Indians do not know what is best for them. They can’t see that our system has any advantages over their own, and they have fought stubbornly against the innovation.” [Frank Terry," Naming the Indians," American Monthly Review of Reviews (New York: March, 1897). This essay is available as an e-text from the University of Virginia Library Electronic Text Center.]

It is common to hear criticism of the name “American Indian,” coupled with an insistence on the use of “Native American,” which came into vogue as part of a late-20th century concern for “multiculturalism.” This was an effort to acknowledge ethnic diversity in the United States while insisting on an over-arching American unity. Under multicultural naming practice, people are identified as hyphen-American: African-American, Irish-American, Italian-American, and so on. For the indigenous inhabitants of the land, the correct term became Native-American.

“Native American,” however, faces dilemmas as serious as the name it was to displace. First, the word “native” has a generic meaning, referring to anyone or anything that is at home in its place of origin: anyone born in America is a native American. Even if we insist on the significance of an upper-case letter, we have to admit that Native American has an ordinary language problem. Second, as applied to Indigenous Peoples who have been subjected to colonialism, the word “native” has a culturally pejorative meaning, as in “The natives are restless tonight.” The word carries a connotation of “primitive,” which has both a generic definition, meaning “first” or “primary,” and a pejorative use, meaning “backward” or “ignorant.” Third, as we have seen, “American” is not an indigenous name, but derives from that other Italian.

“Native American” does not avoid the problem of naming from an outsider’s perspective. Moreover, multiculturally “correct” names focus on surface appearances, and may even obscure the demographic, political and economic situations of the named Peoples. As John Trudell observed when “Native American” first became fashionable, “They change our name and treat us the same.”

If we want to be true to the principle that a People’s name ought to come from them, we have to discard both “American Indian” and “Native American.” The consequence of this is that the original inhabitants ought to be called by whatever names they give themselves. There are no American Indians or Native Americans. There are many different Peoples, hundreds in fact, bearing such names as Wampanoag, Cherokee, Seminole, Navajo, Hopi, and so on.

But the conundrum doesn’t end here. Some apparently “real” names are not actually derived from the People themselves, but from their neighbors or even enemies. “Mohawk” is a Narraganset name meaning, “flesh eaters.” “Sioux” is a French corruption of an Anishinabe word for “enemy.” Similarly, “Apache” is a Spanish corruption of a Zuni word for “enemy,” while Navajo is from the Spanish version of a Tewa word. If we want to be fully authentic, we have to inquire into the language of each People to find the name they call themselves.

The important thing in naming is to acknowledge the fundamental difference between how a People view themselves and how others view them. In this context, it is not surprising to find that a People’s name for themselves is often a word for “People,” or for their homeland, or for some differentiating characteristic as seen through their own eyes.

It’s been asked, “What’s in a name?” Sometimes the answer is everything, as when the name is Rumplestiltskin; sometimes nothing, as with the rose, fragrant by any other name. N. Scott Momaday, in The Names: A Memoir, writes about the meaning of who we are that is contained and not contained in our names. Names are mysterious, sometimes revealing, sometimes concealing our identity or the identity of a People or place.

Names can have great power, and the power of naming is a great power. History and law, as well as literature and politics, are activities of naming. The Judeo-Christian Bible tells a story of God giving Adam the power to name the animals and other parts of Creation, a naming that signals a power over Creation. This story established a relation that became crucial in the encounters of Christianist colonizers with the inhabitants of the “New World.”

In studying Indigenous Peoples, we do not need to completely avoid incorrect or colonial terminology whose significance is widely understood. Indeed, the shortest way to penetrate the histories of Indigenous Peoples may be to analyze the names imposed on them by others. These names are part of world history, politics, and culture. As a component of “Indigenous Peoples Studies,” an inquiry into names can develop toward an understanding of nationhood, homelands, and self-determination.

Navajo Legal Services stories

Sunday, March 4th, 2007

Dinebeiina Nahiilna Be Agaditahe, the Navajo Nation Legal Services program, was my introduction to American Indian legal issues. I was one of the first attorneys hired in the Shiprock office, in 1968. Legal Services was one of the newest forms of law practice available at the time, part of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society War on Poverty that the president hoped would somehow balance out or neutralize the War on Viet Nam. It was just the sort of thing I believed I could deal with, or at least survive, being pretty sure I couldn’t deal with or survive the kinds of practice most of my Yale Law School classmates were aiming for —big New York firms, Washington bureaucratic jobs, and judicial clerkships.

Little did I know that the Navajo —and not just their legal services program— would open my mind to ontological issues, circling around a central question: what does it mean to be a human being? The Navajo taught me that the questions I was asking myself were about life as much as about law. I went there looking for a chance to use law to do something useful and discovered that the question of usefulness is itself culturally determined. In fact, when I found out just how useless I felt as a lawyer for Navajos caught in the maze of Anglo laws, I simultaneously learned what my usefulness was from the point of view of Legal Services and the Great Society: I was part of a morality play, albeit a morality that was also political.

One might say that until the establishment of legal services the American legal system functioned without all the components necessary for due process. The law provides whatever process (and processes) legal theory and doctrine determine are needed for a complete and proper legal system; as the saying goes, due process means “all the process that is due.” Some processes are built into the Bill of Rights of the Constitution, such as trial by jury and the requirement that warrants be issued only upon probable cause. Even these are not static: court decisions continue to rework definitions of “jury” and “probable cause” and revise underlying concepts of “peers” and “searches.” Due process has changed even as the words in the Bill of Rights have remained the same.

The notion of a “right to a lawyer” is of comparatively recent origin, and then only with regard to criminal law. In civil law, there is not really any such right at all; but Great Society legislation of the late 1960s established programs to provide lawyers in civil cases, as part of the War on Poverty. The justification was that people who cannot afford lawyers are at a disadvantage in protecting their legal rights, and that this has economic consequences —the perpetuation of their poverty. The legal services programs of the Great Society were proposed as a legal means to an economic end: lawyers for poor people would help eliminate poverty and thereby enhance the overall economy.

Whatever their economic merit, legal services programs certainly had political repercussions: aggressive lawyers, mostly young idealists, brought lawsuits challenging “business as usual.” In many instances, lawyers’ efforts were coordinated with the work of community organizers, who scouted for likely clients and used the possibility of litigation as an organizing tool.

My first week in Shiprock —then the Navajo community most engulfed by surrounding Anglo economy— brought me potential cases for challenging business practices that discriminated against Navajos and took advantage of their poverty. These cases could be vehicles for changing the legal landscape, not by adding any new due process, but by implementing the processes that were available to anyone who had access to a lawyer. One of these early cases stands out in my memory: the car dealer case. It reinforced lessons learned in law school: about how absurd law can be, and how significant is possession (“nine-tenths of the law”).

The car dealer and the stationery

In 1968, there were no car dealers in Shiprock, or, so far as I know, anywhere else in Navajoland. Navajos who bought cars went off-reservation —in this case, primarily to the town of Farmington, New Mexico. There, they were treated as second-class citizens, tolerated only for the money they might spend. This racism against Navajos in the border towns around Navajoland surprises visitors from the East Coast, where American Indians (or, more recently, Native Americans —more on that in another post) are viewed through the twin filters of time and distance, through which they appear as grand historical characters. Up close and in the present, in Farmington, Navajos were viewed as less than fully human, or, if human, as less than fully developed (the development standard is Anglo, acquisitive, boomer).

A Navajo car buyer, in Farmington, is an opportunity for easy profit. The system was honed to a routine; it depended on common legal practices and contract provisions that we set out to challenge through a class action lawsuit. A class action is group litigation: one or a few individuals are named as plaintiffs and are alleged to represent other individuals similarly situated, who are too numerous to name. The first step toward a class action is awareness that we are observing a practice that affects large numbers of people, raises a common pattern of facts, and implicates the same or similar legal issues.

Time and again, within the first few weeks, I heard stories of automobile repossessions based on failure to make payments under contracts that called for a “balloon payment” —a large, usually final, payment at the end of a long series of smaller monthly payments. The balloon payment is almost a guarantee of default, in the context of poverty: the immediate promise of “easy payments” combines with the perennial hope that things will get better, to entice a buyer into signing what almost inevitably turns out to be an impossible agreement. In New Haven, I had seen furniture store contracts with balloon payments structured to allow repossession of every item of furniture if default in payment occurred with regard to any single item.

Farmington car dealers sold and repossessed the same cars over and over; we could document this with our clients’ papers. Each car was like a goldmine, producing profit until it literally collapsed. Even a crash produced profit, because the contracts required the buyer to purchase insurance. We knew that balloon payments had been successfully challenged in other jurisdictions as “unconscionable” under the Uniform Commercial Code. We thought we had a chance to win that argument here; we at least wanted a chance to try.

A lawsuit requires a client; among the many people who came to the office with car repossessions —and sometimes with demands for payments after repossession, to fulfill the terms of the contract— I began to work with a few whom we felt would be best able to withstand the difficulties of a trial. I wanted clients whose particular fact situations would show the most egregious aspects of the practice. Many of our clients spoke only Navajo —and, indeed, this was one factor we thought might weigh as a special element of inequity in the face of greedy car dealers. I worked with our interpreters —Tribal Court Advocates who were fluent in English and Navajo and extremely creative at explaining legal concepts that are exotic even to Anglos— to build a group of plaintiffs who understood and supported what we were trying to do.

Our filing of the class action provoked immediate response in the local Bar Association. At one Bar luncheon, I was accosted by the attorney for the biggest of the car dealers we had sued; he railed at me for being an agitator, stirring up Navajos who had never complained before and who were in fact grateful for the services provided by his client. I was taken aback by this display of personal animosity, having been conditioned to seeing the law profession as a kind of club, where friendships or at least civility prevail in spite of diverging client interests. The local District Attorney, a remarkable example of the professional ideal —he implemented practices to respect defendant’s rights well before the Supreme Court mandated these in criminal law— came to my defense and to counsel me not to worry, saying, “That guy always takes his client’s cases personally.”

I knew that I was taking my client’s cases personally, in the sense that injustices and discrimination directed at them pained me, and I knew that I could be angry about these; but somehow —in ways I sometimes see as a moral defect rather than a strength— I wanted to be able to discuss these problems, even with my adversaries, rather than fight. Fighting, arguing, trying to prove what is obvious to me —these are debilitating experiences. I am continually amazed that I am drawn again and again into social conflict, almost as a duty or a moral obligation, when all I want is to be free of it. In this way, the law has always both repelled and attracted me.

Around this same time, an unrelated and obscure event was occurring in the legal world. The New Mexico Bar Ethics Committee had decided to take up the question whether the Navajo Legal Services Program was engaged in unethical advertising. This was prior to the revision of the American Bar Association prohibition on lawyer advertising, a long-standing part of the tradition that law is a profession and professionals do not advertise. The specific question before the Committee was raised by a complaint from a member of the bar who asserted that the English translation of Dinebeiina Nahiilna Be Agaditahe, the program’s Navajo name, constituted advertising. He asserted that the English phrase at the bottom of our stationery, “lawyers who work for the economic revitalization of the people,” was descriptive of all lawyers and therefore could be advertised by none. After some deliberation, and against the contentions of our program director that the phrase was not descriptive of all lawyers and that in any event it was only a translation of a name, the Committee decided that the English phrase was unethical and could no longer be displayed anywhere.

Meanwhile, the defendants in our car dealer case moved to dismiss, on a variety of grounds, including an assertion that our office was engaged in unethical practice. I knew that the structure of legal services programs had been attacked in other jurisdictions, though not successfully, under old common law doctrines of “champerty and maintenance,” which prohibit third-party financing of a lawsuit. The argument was that the government was funding legal services; it, not the named plaintiff, was the actual client; and the lawyer-client relationship was therefore violated. I prepared to argue that these ethical doctrines did not prevent the government from providing legal services, that this was not the financing of lawsuits, but the provision of a social service.

When the day came that we were in court, I heard the accusation of unethical practice and began to puzzle at what was being said. The defendant’s lawyer was not arguing about the attorney-client relationship or even the grounds of the lawsuit, but was saying something about the stationery on which our court papers were filed. After several moments of bewilderment, I realized that the car dealer attorney was referring to the Bar Ethics Committee decision and saying that our lawsuit should be dismissed because it was filed on unethical stationery! Every page of the pleadings stated the name and address of the law office, with the English translation appearing below the Navajo name. This, the attorney argued, was in clear violation of the recent ruling of the Bar Ethics Committee and should be stopped by this court. Nothing I said was sufficient to prevent the court from granting the motion to dismiss on the spot. There was no leave given to refile on different paper; no way out of filing a new complaint and waiting for a new hearing date on the court calendar.

It is hard to explain something like this to a client, let alone a client for whom the whole Anglo legal process appears as an invasion from another world. Fortunately, another event had occurred in the legal world —this one related to car dealers and not at all obscure: the Navajo Nation had enacted a law banning self-help repossession of automobiles. Self-help reposession means the dealer simply finds and tows away the car. The new law required a Tribal Court order to allow repossession. We still nurtured the idea of a class action suit in state court against the dealers, but now we had an accessible individual remedy in Tribal Court: a client could challenge balloon payment contracts and other such devices in a Navajo court, blocking repossession in the meantime.

Like other legal remedies, the Navajo law on repossession could be effective only to the extent it could be enforced. At first, car dealers continued their old ways and clients were not aware of the new law; by the time a client found out about the requirement for a court order, the car was back on the lot in Farmington, out of Tribal Court jurisdiction.

One afternoon, one of my favorite clients, a man whose energy and enthusiasm for life were palpable, arrived in the office, out of breath and in agitation. He said he might be in trouble. He had been riding into Shiprock with his brother and seen a tow truck with his pickup hitched behind, heading toward Farmington. He told his brother to turn around and give chase, until they came abreast of the truck and forced it to stop. My client told me he pulled out a gun and ordered the driver to unhitch the pickup, which the man did. He then watched the truck drive away and drove his own pickup to my office. I was elated; at last, self-help on our side of the law. It was unorthodox, to be sure, but it saved the truck and gave us a chance to enforce the new law.

Within an hour, I got a call from the car dealer himself, spluttering, “Your guy pulled a gun on my guy.” He demanded some sort of satisfaction. I, relying on attorney-client privilege, said I didn’t know what happened, but assured him that if his agent again attempted to repossess any vehicle without an order from Tribal Court, we would take steps to impound his tow truck. I told my client I thought he was safe and that we were prepared to enforce the new law, if there were another attempt. I never heard of another attempt and I think of this as the case we won on that issue.